HOME PENDAFTARAN LOGIN MEMBER LIST IKLAN
==> PRODUK KESEHATAN NASA <==
Natural Lecithin NASA
Neo Lecithin Kapsul NASA
Natural Chlorophyllin NASA
Natural Brain Power ENBEPE NASA
Asam Amino Evolution AMNE NASA
Hu Wang Tea NASA
Natural Calsea Plus NASA
Natural Royal Jelly NASA
Serbuk Beras Merah Natural SBMN NASA
Serbuk Beras Merah Natural Besar SBMNB NASA
Cordymune NASA
Herbastamin NASA
Acaiplus NASA
Radix GM Rasa Madu NASA
Radix GM Rasa Coklat NASA
Natural Lecithin Besar NASA
Natural Chlorophyllin Powder NASA
Natural Red Chlorophyllin Powder NASA
Natural Ekstak Slim NASA/ENESLIM NASA
Natural Royal Honey NASA
Natural Honey Super Kids NASA
Super Nano Propolis/SUNPRO NASA
==> PRODUK RUMAH TANGGA NASA <==
Natural Super Clean NASA
Detergen Star 7 NASA
Pasta Gigi NASA PGN
Serbuk Kedelai Organik SKAO NASA
Natural Teh Celup NASA
Natural The Persada NASA
Kecap Sedap Natural NASA
Kopi Ginseng NASA
==> PRODUK KOSMETIK DAN PERAWATAN TUBUH <==
Milk Beauty Soap NASA
Natural Crystal X Asli NASA
Natural Lulur Putih NASA
Grece Body Crystal NASA
Sabun Lulur Plus Zaytun Madu Zayma NASA
Paket Moreskin NASA
Moreskin Cream Pagi NASA
Moreskin Cream Malam NASA
Ayla Breast Care NASA
Collagen Skin Care NASA
Collaskin Facial Cleanser NASA
Colladrink NASA
Jual Obat Diabetes Javabet NASA Cepat Sembuh di Kepulauan Sula

Terbukti Berkhasiat, Bersertifikasi Badan POM RI, Izin Dinas Kesehatan RI, Sertifikasi HALAL MUI
JAVABET NASA OBAT DIABETES ALAMI CEPAT SEMBUH

Anda Punya Keluhan Penyakit Diabetes ?

Anda Punya Keluhan Penyakit Kencing Manis ?

Anda Punya Keluhan Penyakit Gula Darah ?

DAN

Anda belum menemukan Obat yang tepat untuk menyembuhkan Penyakit tersebut ?

Disini kami hadirkan solusi cepat untuk mengobati dan menyembuhkan Penyakit Diabetes Anda secara alami tanpa efek samping
Cukup dengan menggunakan JAVABET dari PT. Natural Nusantara dengan pemakaian secara rutin selama 1 bulan, Anda akan mengalami perubahan yang dahsyat dan signifikan

JAVABET NASA membantu mengatasi dan mengobati semua jenis diabetes baik diabetes kering maupun basah, Penyakit Gula Darah, Kencing Manis baik Kronis maupun Akut secara tuntas tanpa efek samping


Segera atasi Masalah Gula Darah Anda dengan JAVABET NASA

SOLUSI AMPUH, AMAN TANPA EFEK SAMPING DAN PALING MUJARAB

 

Google About 400,000 results (0.38 seconds) Sponsored Shop for Jual Obat Diabetes on Google ALTERNATIF MURAH MELABIC Kapsul Yakon Obat Herbal Diabetes ALTERNATIF MURAH ... IDR139,500 Lazada Indone... kapsul extrak ikan gabus (albumin) kapsul extrak ikan gabus ... IDR30,000 Tokopedia Obat Herbal Jamu Diabetes Original Obat Herbal Jamu Diabetes IDR139,500 Lazada Indone... seaquill / sea quill glucosamine original & segel seaquill / sea quill ... IDR380,000 Tokopedia Tanaman Dandang Gendis (Sabah Snake Grass) Tanaman Dandang Gendis IDR26,000 Bibit Online MELABIC Obat Herbal Diabetes Bisa Nego MELABIC Obat Herbal Diabetes IDR906,800 Lazada Indone... jamsi / jamu diabetes / asli 100% bpom jamsi / jamu diabetes / asli ... IDR100,000 Tokopedia GULDHACAP Obat Herbal Diabetes GULDHACAP Obat Herbal ... IDR241,400 Lazada Indone... tanaman sambung nyawa | gynura procumbens | herbal akar sabiak tanaman sambung nyawa IDR15,000 Tokopedia Agaricpro Obat Herbal Diabetes Kencing Manis Agaric Pro Agaricpro Obat Herbal Diabetes IDR320,900 Lazada Indone... Xiaokeling Pian Obat Diabetes Gula Darah Kencing Manis Xiaokeling Pian Obat Diabetes ... IDR320,900 Lazada Indone... Obat Herbal Jamsi Jamu Diabetes Original Obat Herbal Jamsi Jamu ... IDR139,500 Lazada Indone... Insulfit Obat Kencing Manis Diabetes Diabet Gula Darah Insulfit Obat Kencing Manis ... IDR74,400 Lazada Indone... Kuatpria Pro Obat Herbal Tahan Lama Khusus Penderita Diabetes Kuatpria Pro Obat Herbal ... IDR279,000 Lazada Indone... Obat Herbal Tahan Lama Bercinta Penderita Diabetes KUATPRIA PRO Obat Herbal Tahan Lama ... IDR279,000 Lazada Indone... nutren diabetes 400gr nutren diabetes 400gr IDR195,000 Tokopedia kapsul gamat / ekstrak gamat kapsul / golden gamat kapsul kapsul gamat / ekstrak gamat ... IDR50,000 Tokopedia Jamsi Jamu Obat Herbal Diabetes Diabet Diabetesi Asli Original Jamsi Jamu Obat Herbal ... IDR139,500 Lazada Indone... Obat Herbal Untuk Vitalitas Pria Penderita Diabetes Obat Herbal Untuk Vitalitas ... IDR279,000 Lazada Indone... Curalba Obat Gula Darah Diabetes Herbal Diabetes Jamu Diabetes Curalba Obat Gula Darah ... IDR195,300 Lazada Indone... MADU HITAM DIABET 3 IN 1 OBAT DIABETES HERBAL MADU HITAM DIABET 3 IN 1 ... IDR104,200 Lazada Indone... Teh Obat Herbal Diabetes Pankreas Gula Darah Daun Yakon Paket 60Hari Teh Obat Herbal Diabetes ... IDR279,000 Lazada Indone... JAMSI Jamu Diabetasi Obat Diabetes Penurun Gula Darah JAMSI Jamu Diabetasi Obat ... IDR139,500 Lazada Indone... KUATPRIA PRO Obat Herbal Tahan Lama Bercinta Untuk Pria Diabetes KUATPRIA PRO Obat Herbal ... IDR279,000 Lazada Indone... You Jiang Tang Obat Diabetes Obat Kencing Manis Obat Gula Darah You Jiang Tang Obat Diabetes ... IDR119,100 Lazada Indone... Search Results Jual Obat Diabetes - Obat Penyakit Gula Terbaik | Tokopedia tokopedia/p/kesehatan/obat-obatan/obat-diabetes

ekaoshimura

Beli Obat Diabetes berkualitas, terbaru & lengkap dengan harga terbaik di Tokopedia. Belanja cicilan kredit 0%, promo murah & GRATIS ONGKIR. Jual MELABIC - Obat Herbal Diabetes - Prov1022 | Tokopedia tokopedia/prov1022/melabic-obat-herbal-diabetes

ekaoshimura

Rating: 4.6 - ‎144 votes Sep 23, 2017 - Jual MELABIC - Obat Herbal Diabetes, Kesehatan dengan harga Rp 810.000 dari toko online Prov1022, Grogol Petamburan. Cari produk obat diabetes lainnya di Tokopedia. Jual beli online aman dan nyaman hanya di Tokopedia. Jual obat JAMSI ASLI ORI herbal alami diabetes mellitus/kencing manis obatalamiherbalampuh/.../jual-obat-jamsi-asli-ori-herbal-alami...

ekaoshimura

Penyakit kencing manis merupakan penyakit populer di era modern ini, banyak pasien yang telat melakukan pengobatan harus berujung di meja operasi dan amputasi, kini ada satu produk khusus dari bahan tradisional alami yang ampuh dan cepat mengatasi diabetes mellitus mengontrol dan menurunkan tingginya ... Jual Suplemen Diabetes Terbaik & Termurah | Lazada lazada › ... › Suplemen Kesehatan

ekaoshimura

Suplemen diabetes murah, de Nature, memiliki fungsi utama untuk menormalkan kadar gula darah, menurunkan kadar kolesterol, dan melancarkan sistem peredaran darah. Suplemen ini sangat dianjurkan bagi para penderita diabetes yang sudah stadium lanjut. Selain bermanfaat untuk penderita diabetes, obat ini juga ... JAMSI : Obat Herbal Diabetes Distributor Jual Harga Grosir anekaobatherbal/jamsi-obat-diabetes-herbal/

ekaoshimura

Jan 26, 2016 - Nabawi Herba Distributor Jamu Jamsi, Obat Herbal Diabetes alami, kami men jual Grosir dan Eceran dengan harga Murah, terjamin keasliannya, melayani keagenan. √ Jual Kolagit Obat Diabetes Herbal Asli 100% - Harga Murah //urusandunia › Shop

ekaoshimura

Jual Kolagit obat diabetes herbal asli berbentuk serbuk dengan rasa mirip kopi. Kolagit terkenal karena keampuhannya menyembuhkan diabetes sampai 100% dan penderita bisa bebas makan kembali seperti sedia kala. Kolagit merupakan obat diabetes karya Gita Adinda Nasution asal Medan. Kami Agen dan Distributor ... Jual obat diabetes herbal putih di lapak Serum | Bukalapak - Terjual bukalapak/p/kesehatan.../obat.../3599ir-jual-obat-diabetes-herbal-put... Beli obat diabetes herbal putih dari Serum Eloise Gluthaspray serumeloisegluthaspray - Klaten hanya di Bukalapak. Jual Jamsi Obat Diabetes di Jakarta | SolusiJamsi solusijamsi/jual-jamsi-obat-diabetes-di-jakarta/

ekaoshimura

Mar 12, 2017 - Jual Jamsi Obat Diabetes di Jakarta. Hubungi 081297559545. Harga 100ribu per botol ukuran 100ML. Melayani seluruh wilayah di Jakarta Depok Bekasi Tangerang. Jual Obat Herbal Untuk Kencing Manis / Diabetes Alami Dari Alam ... tokoherbalmuslim › obat-herbal

ekaoshimura

Cara alami mencegah dan mengobati kencing manis, solusi terbaik dengan herbal terbukti di berbagai penelitian ilmiah modern, jadi tidak cuma resep kuno warisan bangsa semata. Pilihan tepat atasi penyakit diabetes yang aman. Dapatkan sekarang hanya di TokoHerbalMuslim. JUAL OBAT DIABETES - morodata morodata/jual-obat-diabetes.html

ekaoshimura

jual Obat Diabetes berkualitas, terbaru & lengkap dengan harga terbaik di Tokopedia. Belanja cicilan kredit 0%, promo murah & GRATIS ONGKIR. Jual Kolagit obat diabetes Herbal - obat herbal diabetes. Searches related to Jual Obat Diabetes harga jamsi 500 ml efek samping jamu jamsi khasiat obat jamsi agen jamsi jakarta bahaya jamsi cara pesan jamsi komposisi jamsi? testimoni jamsi 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Next Indonesia Banguntapan, Special Region of Yogyakarta - From your Internet address - Use precise location - Learn more HelpSend feedbackPrivacyTerms


Tag : obat diabetes alami, obat diabetes kering, obat diabetes melitus, obat diabetes alami paling ampuh, obat diabetes basah, obat diabetes tipe 2, obat diabetes alami dari tumbuhan, obat diabetes kering di apotik, obat diabetes melitus paling ampuh, obat diabetes ampuh, obat diabetes, obat diabetes generik, obat diabetes alami tradisional, obat diabetes apotik, obat diabetes anak, obat diabetes amaryl, obat diabetes alami kota tangerang selatan banten, obat diabetes apa, obat diabetes aman untuk ginjal, obat diabetes basah paling ampuh, obat diabetes biji alpukat, obat diabetes buah, obat diabetes bpjs, obat diabetes basah ampuh, obat diabetes bio spray, obat diabetes bandar lampung, obat diabetes basah dan kering, obat diabetes bio hsa, obat diabetes china, obat diabetes cepat, obat diabetes cabai dan telur, obat diabetes.com, kolagit obat diabetes, obat diabetes cni, obat diabetes cap onta mas, obat diabetes cara tradisional, obat diabetes cair, obat cina diabetes melitus, obat diabetes di apotik, obat diabetes dari nasa, obat diabetes dengan ketan hitam, obat diabetes dan lambung, obat diabetes dokter, obat diabetes dan darah tinggi, obat diabetes dari tumbuhan, obat diabetes dari kayu manis, obat diabetes daonil, obat diabetes dari tebu, obat diabetes eclid, obat ereksi diabetes, obat herbal diabetes, obat diabetes kering ensiklopedia, obat diabetes tanpa efek samping, obat diabetes onta emas, obat diabetes bukan empat mata, obat diabetes paling efektif, obat diabetes dan efek samping, obat diabetes di bukan empat mata, obat diabetes farmasi, obat diabetes forxiga, 
obat diabetes fornis, obat diabetes farmakologi, obat diabetes fitofarmaka, obat diabetes forbetes, obat farmakologi diabetes melitus, obat flu diabetes, obat farmasi diabetes melitus, obat diabetes kimia farma, obat diabetes glibenclamide, obat diabetes glimepiride, obat diabetes golongan, obat diabetes gestasional, obat diabetes gula, obat diabetes golongan sulfonilurea, obat diabetes gula kering, obat diabetes gliben, obat diabetes glucophage xr, gold g obat diabetes, obat diabetes herbal, obat diabetes herbal pankreas, obat diabetes herbal paling ampuh, obat diabetes herbal terbaik, obat diabetes hpai, obat diabetes herbal mujarab, obat diabetes hamil, obat diabetes hwi, obat diabetes herbal pankreas kabupaten sleman daerah istimewa yogyakarta, obat diabetes herbal tanaman, obat diabetes insipidus, obat diabetes ibu hamil, obat diabetes insulin, obat diabetes injeksi, obat diabetes inlacin, obat diabetes islami, obat diabetes insipidus adalah, obat impoten diabetes, obat diabetes untuk ibu menyusui, harga obat diabetes insulin, obat diabetes jamsi, obat diabetes jangka panjang, obat diabetes januvia, obat diabetes janumet, obat diabetes jelly gamat, obat diabetes jardiance, 

obat diabetes jus kacang panjang, obat diabetes jambu biji, obat diabetes jengkol, obat diabetes jasmin, obat diabetes kolagit, obat diabetes komplikasi jantung, obat diabetes kaki bengkak, obat diabetes kering generik, obat diabetes kencing manis, obat diabetes kayu manis, obat diabetes kering dan basah, obat diabetes ketan hitam, k link obat diabetes, obat diabetes luka, obat diabetes latibet, obat diabetes lini pertama, obat diabetes lantus, obat diabetes levemir, obat diabetes lidah buaya, obat diabetes long acting, obat diabetes liraglutide, obat luka diabetes agar cepat kering, obat luka diabetes tradisional, obat diabetes metformin, obat diabetes melabic, obat diabetes melitus tipe 2, obat diabetes melitus pdf, obat diabetes melitus tipe 1, obat diabetes melitus untuk ibu hamil, obat diabetes mujarab, obat diabetes medis, obat diabetes m, obat diabetes nasa, obat diabetes neuropati, obat diabetes nevox xr, obat diabetes noni, obat diabetes natural, obat diabetes nutrigold d, obat diabetes nasution, nu skin obat diabetes, obat diabetes novartis, obat diabetes novorapid, obat diabetes oral, obat diabetes okra, obat diabetes obat diabetes, obat diabetes oral untuk ibu hamil, obat oral diabetes melitus, obat antidiabetes oral, golongan obat diabetes oral, macam macam obat diabetes oral, efek samping obat diabetes oral, obat diabetes paling ampuh, obat diabetes paten, obat diabetes paling ampuh di dunia, obat diabetes pdf, obat diabetes paling ampuh dan paten, obat diabetes produk tiens, obat diabetes paling manjur, obat diabetes pada anak, obat diabetes pankreas, obat diabetes pada wanita, obat diabetes qnc jelly gamat, obat diabetes zhen qi, obat diabetes menurut al quran, obat diabetes resep dokter, obat diabetes ringan, obat diabetes ramuan cina, obat diabetes renabetic, obat diabetes ramuan tradisional, obat diabetes racikan gita, obat diabetes rekomendasi dokter, obat diabetes ruellia tuberosa, obat diabetes resistensi insulin, obat diabetes rini s bon bon, obat diabetes secara alami, obat diabetes sebelum makan, obat diabetes selain metformin, obat diabetes soman, obat diabetes suntik, obat diabetes selain insulin, obat diabetes secara islam, obat diabetes suntik insulin, obat diabetes sinshe, obat diabetes sembuh dalam 5 menit, obat diabetes tradisional, obat diabetes tipe 1, obat diabetes tradisional alami, obat diabetes tiens, obat diabetes terbaik, obat diabetes tradisional yg ampuh, obat diabetes terbaru, obat diabetes tinggi, obat diabetes tipe 3, obat diabetes untuk ibu hamil, obat diabetes untuk gagal ginjal, obat diabetes untuk lansia, obat diabetes untuk anak, obat diabetes untuk diet, obat diabetes untuk program hamil, obat diabetes untuk ibu hamil pdf, obat diabetes untuk kucing, obat diabetes untuk orang kurus, obat u diabetes, obat diabetes vildagliptin, vanili obat diabetes, video obat diabetes, vco obat diabetes, obat diabetes xamthone, obat diabetes xamthone plus, obat herbal diabetes xamthone plus, obat diabetes su xiaco, xanthone obat diabetes pdf, obat diabetes yang bagus, obat diabetes yg ampuh, obat diabetes yang aman untuk ibu hamil, obat diabetes yang aman, obat diabetes yang aman untuk ginjal, obat diabetes yang paling ampuh, obat diabetes yang alami, obat diabetes yg alami, obat diabetes yang paling bagus, obat diabetes yg paling bagus, obat diabetes akar zaitun, obat diabetes minyak zaitun, obat diabetes astrazeneca, obat diabetes tipe 1 dan 2, obat diabetes type 1, obat diabetes kolagit1, obat diabetes no 1, golongan obat diabetes tipe 1, tanaman obat diabetes tipe 1, obat generik diabetes tipe 1, 10 obat diabetes, obat alami diabetes tipe 1, obat diabetes 1, obat diabetes 2015, obat diabetes stadium 2, obat diabetes tipe 2 adalah, obat diabetes melitus tipe 2 pdf, obat diabetes melitus tipe 2 herbal, obat herbal diabetes tipe 2, obat alami diabetes tipe 2, obat 2 diabetes, amaryl 2 obat diabetes, obat diabetes 4life, bukan 4 mata obat diabetes, obat diabetes metformin 500 mg, 5 golongan obat diabetes, obat teh diabetes 919


Ben Carson Says He’ll Seek 2016 G.O.P. Nomination

ate in February, Dr. Ben Carson, the celebrated pediatric neurosurgeon turned political insurrectionist, was trying to check off another box on his presidential-campaign to-do list: hiring a press secretary. The lead prospect, a public-relations specialist named Deana Bass, had come to meet him at the dimly lit Capitol Hill office of Carson’s confidant and business manager, Armstrong Williams. Carson sat back and scrutinized her from behind a small granite table, as life-size cardboard cutouts of more conventional politicians — President Obama, with a tight smile, and Senator John McCain, glowering — loomed behind each of his shoulders. (The mock $3 bill someone had left on a table in Williams’s waiting room undercut any notion that this was a bipartisan zone; it featured Obama wearing a turban.)

Bass seemed momentarily speechless, and not just because no one had warned her that a New York Times reporter would be sitting in on her job interview. Though she knew Williams — a jack-of-all-trades entrepreneur who owns several television stations and a public-affairs business and who hosts a daily talk-radio show — through Washington’s small circle of black conservatives, the two hadn’t spoken in years until he called her two days earlier. He had been struggling to come up with the perfect national spokesperson, he told her. Then, at the gym, her name popped into his head; Williams was fairly certain she was the one. Sitting across from a likely candidate for president, Bass was adjusting to the idea that her life might be about to take a sudden chaotic turn.

“It’s like getting the most random call on a Monday that you simply do not see coming,” she said. “Oftentimes, that is how the Lord works.”

Continue reading the main story

His life in brain surgery
has prepared him for the
presidency, he maintains,
better than lives in
politics have for his rivals.

Carson concurred: “It’s always how he works in my life.” Carson is soft-spoken and often talks with his eyes half closed, frequently punctuating his sentences with a small laugh, even if the humor of his statement is not readily apparent. Bass told Carson that she had been a Republican staff member on Capitol Hill then worked for the Republican National Committee. In 2007 she started a Christian public-relations firm with her sister. She enjoyed working on the Hill, she said, but the pay wasn’t as high as the hours were long. “We figured that we worked like slaves for other people, and we wanted to work for ourselves.”

Carson stopped her. “You know you can’t mention that word, right?” Carson waited a beat, then laughed, and Williams and Bass joined in. He was getting to the point; he needed a professional who could help him check his penchant for creating uncontrolled controversy just by talking.

The Ben Carson movement began in 2013, when Carson, a neurosurgeon, whose operating-room prowess and up-from-poverty back story had made him the subject of a television movie and a regular on the inspirational-speaking circuit, was invited to address the annual National Prayer Breakfast in Washington. With Barack Obama sitting just two seats away, Carson warned that “moral decay” and “fiscal irresponsibility” could destroy America just as it did ancient Rome. He proposed a substitute for Obamacare — Health Savings Accounts, which, he said, would end any talk of “death panels” — and a flat-tax based on the concept of tithing. His address, combined with the president’s stony reaction, was a smash with Republican activists. Speaking and interview requests flooded in. Carson, then 61, announced his planned retirement a few weeks later, freeing his calendar to accept just about all of them. In the months that followed, his rhetoric became increasingly strident. The claim that drew the most attention, perhaps, was that Obamacare was “the worst thing that has happened in this nation since slavery.”

Bass’s own use of the word prompted Carson to ask her what she thought about that incident. She considered for a moment.

“If you want to reach people and have them even understand what you’re saying, there is a way to do it, without that hyperbole, that might be. . . . ” She paused. “I just think it’s important not to shut people off before they —”

Carson jumped in. “That doesn’t allow them to hear what you’re saying?”

Bass nodded.

Likening Obamacare to slavery — and slavery was incomparably worse, Carson said — had its political advantages for a candidacy like his. It was the kind of statement that stoked the angriest of the Republican voters: conservative stalwarts who can’t hear enough bad things about Obama. This, in turn, led to more talk-radio and Fox News appearances, more book sales, more donations to the super PAC started in his name, more support in the polls. (The day before the meeting, one poll of Republican voters showed Carson statistically tied for first place with Jeb Bush and Scott Walker.)

Rhetorical excess was good for business, but Carson now wants to be seen as more than a novelty candidate. He has come to learn that such extreme analogies, while true to his views, aren’t especially presidential. They alienate more moderate voters and, perhaps even more damaging, reinforce the impression that he is not “serious” — that he is another Herman Cain, the black former Godfather’s Pizza chief executive who rose to the top of the early presidential polls in 2011 but then bowed out before the Iowa caucuses, largely because of leaked allegations of sexual misconduct, which he denied but from which he never recovered. Cain lingers as a cautionary tale for the party as much as for a right-leaning candidate like Carson. The fact that Cain, with his folksy sayings (“shucky ducky”) and misnomers (“Ubeki-beki-beki-beki-stan-stan”), reached the top of the national polls — much less that he was eventually followed there by the likes of Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich and Rick Santorum, who all topped one or another poll in the 2012 primary season — wound up being a considerable embarrassment for the eventual nominee, Mitt Romney, and for the longtime party regulars who were trying to fast-track his way to the nomination.

Carson liked Bass and, without directly saying so, made it clear the job was hers for the taking. Carson’s campaign chairman, Terry Giles — a white lawyer whose clients have included the comedian Richard Pryor and the stepson of the model Anna Nicole Smith and who helped reconcile the business interests of the descendants of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. — had assembled a mostly white campaign team, including many from the 2012 Gingrich effort, and Carson wanted a person of color to speak for him. Bass said she would have to mull it over, pray about it. Carson nodded approvingly. “Pray about it,” he said. “See what you think.”

Advertisement

Advertisement

Williams knew the party was intent on protecting the eventual 2016 nominee from the same embarrassment Romney suffered. Already, suspiciously tough articles about Carson were showing up in conservative magazines and on right-wing websites. “They’re protecting these establishment candidates,” Williams said. “This is coming from within the house. This is family.” At the very least, he wanted to make sure that Carson didn’t do their work for them. (Carson would commit another unforced error a week later, when he told CNN that homosexuality was clearly a choice, because a lot of people go in prison straight and “when they come out, they’re gay”; he later apologized.)

“We need somebody to protect him, sometimes, from himself,” he told Bass — laughing, but only half kidding.

A candidacy like Carson’s presents a new kind of problem to the establishment wing of the G.O.P., which, at least since 1980, has selected its presidential nominees with a routine efficiency that Democrats could only envy. The establishment candidate has usually been a current or former governor or senator, blandly Protestant, hailing from the moderate, big-business wing of the party (or at least friendly with it) and almost always a second-, third- or fourth-time national contender — someone who had waited “his turn.” These candidates would tack predictably to the right during the primaries to satisfy the evangelicals, deficit hawks, libertarian leaners and other inconvenient but vital constituents who made up the “base” of the party. In return, the base would, after a brief flirtation with some fantasy candidate like Steve Forbes or Pat Buchanan, “hold their noses” and deliver their votes come November. This bargain was always tenuous, of course, and when some of the furthest-right activists turned against George W. Bush, citing (among other apostasies) his expansion of Medicare’s prescription drug benefit, it began to fall apart. After Barack Obama defeated McCain in 2008, the party’s once dependable base started to reconsider the wisdom of holding their noses at all.

Photo
 
Republican candidates at a pre-straw-poll debate, held at Iowa State University in 2011. Credit Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

This insurgent attitude was helped along by changes in the nomination rules. In 2010, the Republican National Committee, hoping to capture the excitement of the coast-to-coast Democratic primary competition between Obama and Hillary Clinton, introduced new voting rules that required many of the early voting states to award some delegates to losing candidates, based on their shares of the vote. The proportional voting rules would encourage struggling candidates to stay in the primaries even after successive losses, as Clinton did, because they might be able to pull together enough delegates to take the nomination in a convention-floor fight or at least use them to bargain for a prime speaking slot or cabinet post.

This shift in incentives did not go unnoticed by potential 2012 candidates, nor did changes in election law that allowed billionaire donors to form super PACs in support of pet candidacies. At the same time, increasingly widespread broadband Internet access allowed candidates to reach supporters directly with video and email appeals and supporters to send money with the tap of a smartphone, making it easier than ever for individual candidates to ignore the wishes of the party.

Into this newly chaotic Republican landscape strode Mitt Romney. There could be no doubt that it was his turn, and yet his journey to the nomination was interrupted by one against-the-odds challenger after another — Cain, Michele Bachmann, Newt Gingrich, Rick Santorum, Ron Paul; always Ron Paul. It was easy to dismiss the 2012 primaries as a meaningless circus, but the onslaught did much more than tarnish the overall Republican brand. It also forced Romney to spend money he could have used against Obama and defend his right flank with embarrassing pandering that shadowed him through the general election. It was while trying to block a surge from Gingrich, for instance, that Romney told a debate audience that he was for the “self-deportation” of undocumented immigrants.

At the 2012 convention in Tampa, a group of longtime party hands, including Romney’s lawyer, Ben Ginsberg, gathered to discuss how to prevent a repeat of what had become known inside and outside the party as the “clown show.” Their aim was not just to protect the party but also to protect a potential President Romney from a primary challenge in 2016. They forced through new rules that would give future presumptive nominees more control over delegates in the event of a convention fight. They did away with the mandatory proportional delegate awards that encouraged long-shot candidacies. And, in a noticeably targeted effort, they raised the threshold that candidates needed to meet to enter their names into nomination, just as Ron Paul’s supporters were working to reach it. When John A. Boehner gaveled the rules in on a voice vote — a vote that many listeners heard as a tie, if not an outright loss — the hall erupted and a line of Ron Paul supporters walked off the floor in protest, along with many Tea Party members.

At a party meeting last winter, Reince Priebus, who as party chairman is charged with maintaining the support of all his constituencies, did restore some proportional primary and caucus voting, but only in states that held voting within a shortened two-week window. And he also condensed the nominating schedule to four and a half months from six months, and, for the first time required candidates to participate in a shortened debate schedule, determined by the party, not by the whims of the networks. (The panel that recommended those changes included names closely identified with the establishment — the former Bush White House spokesman Ari Fleischer, the Mississippi committeeman Haley Barbour and, notably, Jeb Bush’s closest adviser, Sally Bradshaw.)

Grass-roots activists have complained that the condensed schedule robs nonestablishment candidates — “movement candidates” like Carson — of the extra time they need to build momentum, money and organizations. But Priebus, who says the nomination could be close to settled by April, said it helped all the party’s constituencies when the nominee was decided quickly. “We don’t need a six-month slice-and-dice festival,” Priebus said when we spoke in mid-March. “While I can’t always control everyone’s mouth, I can control how long we can kill each other.”

All the rules changes were built to sidestep the problems of 2012. But the 2016 field is shaping up to be vastly different and far larger. A new Republican hints that he or she is considering a run seemingly every week. There are moderates like Gov. John Kasich of Ohio and former Gov. George Pataki of New York; no-compromise conservatives like Senator Ted Cruz of Texas and former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania; business-wingers like the former Hewlett-Packard chief executive Carly Fiorina; one-of-a-kinds like Donald Trump — some 20 in all, a dozen or so who seem fairly serious about it. That opens the possibility of multiple candidates vying for all the major Republican constituencies, some of them possibly goaded along by super-PAC-funding billionaires, all of them trading wins and collecting delegates well into spring.

Giles says his candidate can capitalize on all that chaos. Rivals may laugh, but Giles argues that if Carson can make a respectable showing in Iowa, then win in South Carolina — or at least come in second should a home-state senator, Lindsey Graham, run — and come in second behind Bush or Senator Marco Rubio in their home state of Florida, he could be positioned to make a real run. But that would depend on avoiding pitfalls like Carson’s ill-considered comments on homosexuality. Rather than capitalizing on the chaos, Carson may only contribute to it.

Ben Carson is, in many ways, the ideal Republican presidential candidate. With a not-too-selective reading of his life story, conservative voters can — and do — see in him an inspiring, up-from-nowhere African-American who shares their beliefs, a right-wing answer to Barack Obama. Before he was born, his parents moved to Detroit from rural Tennessee as part of the second great migration. His father, Robert Solomon Carson, worked at a Cadillac factory. His mother, Sonya — who herself had grown up as one of 24 children and left school at third grade — cleaned houses. When Carson was 8, Sonya discovered that Robert was keeping a second family. She moved, with her two sons, into a rundown group house. It was in a part of town that Carson described to me as crawling with “big rats and roaches and all kinds of horrible things.” Sonya worked several jobs at a time and made up the shortfall with food stamps. (Carson has called for paring back the social safety net but not doing away with it.)

Carson recounts this story in his best-selling 1990 memoir, “Gifted Hands,” which also became the basis for a 2009 movie on TNT, starring Cuba Gooding Jr. as Carson. Raised as a Seventh Day Adventist, Carson realized that he wanted to become a physician during a church sermon about a missionary doctor who, while serving overseas, was almost attacked by thieves but found safety by putting his faith in God. When Carson, then 8, told his mother his new dream, “She said, ‘Absolutely, you could do it, you could do anything,’ ” he told me. Forced by his mother to read two extra books a week, he made it to Yale, then to medical school at the University of Michigan, where he decided to specialize in neurosurgery. He was selected for residency at Johns Hopkins Children’s Center, where he was named director of pediatric neurosurgery at 33, becoming the youngest person, and the first black person, to hold the title. He drew national attention by conducting a succession of operations that had never been performed successfully, most famously planning and managing the first separation of conjoined twins connected through major blood vessels in the brain.

Carson, a two-time Jimmy Carter voter, traces his conservative political awakening to a patient he met during the Reagan years. During a routine obstetrics rotation, he found himself treating an unwed pregnant teenager who had run away from her well-to-do parents. When Carson asked her how she was getting by, she informed him she was on public assistance; this led him to ponder the fact that the government was paying for the result of what he did not view as a “wise decision.” The incident, he says, fed his growing sense that the welfare system too often saps motivation and rewards irresponsible behavior. (When we spoke, he suggested that the government should cut off assistance to would-be unwed mothers, but only after warning them that it would do so within a certain amount of time, say five years. “I bet you’d see a dramatic decrease in unwed motherhood.”)

Carson’s friends at Hopkins say they do not remember him being particularly outspoken about his conservatism. He devoted most of his public engagement to urging poor kids in bad neighborhoods to use “these fancy brains God gave us,” through weekly school visits, student hospital tours and, ultimately, a multimillion-dollar scholarship program. “His issues were always medical care for the poor, education for the poor, equal opportunity — helping the less fortunate and really inspiring them as an example,” a mentor who named him to the chief pediatrics-neurosurgery post at Hopkins, Dr. Donlin Long, told me.

Even when Carson got the chance, in 1997, to speak in front of President Bill Clinton, at the national prayer breakfast, he mostly discussed the lack of role models for black children who were not sports stars or rappers. (There was possibly an oblique reference to Clinton’s sex scandals, when he told the audience that, if they are always honest, they won’t have to worry later about “skeletons in the closet.”)

Photo
 
Ben Carson at CPAC on Feb. 26 in Oxon Hill, Md. Credit Dolly Faibyshev for The New York Times

In 2011, Carson’s politics took a strident turn, mirroring that of many in his party during the Obama years. “America the Beautiful,” his sixth book, which he wrote with Candy Carson, his wife of 39 years, included a get-tough-on-illegal-immigration message and offered anti-establishment praise for the Tea Party. It suggested that blacks who voted for Obama only because he was black were themselves practicing a form of racism. (Earlier this year he admitted to Buzzfeed that portions of the book were lifted directly from several sources without proper attribution.) His prayer-breakfast performance in 2013, and the extremity of his remarks in the months afterward (Obamacare is the worst thing since slavery; the United States is “very much like Nazi Germany”; allowing same-sex marriage could lead to allowing bestiality), left some of his old friends bewildered. Students at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine protested his planned convocation address there in 2013, and he eventually backed out. When I asked Carson about the view at Hopkins that he had changed, he said his themes are still the same: “hard work, self-reliance, helping other people.” If he had become more overtly political, he said, it was only because the Obama years had led him to believe that “we’re really moving in a direction that is very, very destructive.”

None of this went unnoticed by campaign professionals. In August 2013, John Philip Sousa IV and Vernon Robinson, each of whom professes to be a virtual stranger to Carson, and who had previously been active in the anti-illegal-immigration movement, started the National Draft Ben Carson for President Committee. Sousa was just coming off a campaign to defend the sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, Joe Arpaio, from a recall effort, and he told me that he found Carson’s lack of political experience refreshing. “We have 500 guys and gals with probably a collective 5,000 years experience, and look at the mess we’re in,” he said.

Many others in the party feel the same way. Carson’s PAC finished 2014 with more than $13 million in donations, more than Ready for Hillary. Much of its money has gone toward further fund-raising, but Sousa — the great-grandson of the famous composer — points out that their effort has already built far more than just a war chest, organizing leaders in all 99 of Iowa’s counties. Regardless, Carson credits the fund-raising success of Sousa and Robinson with persuading him to enter the race.

Very early the morning after the job interview, Carson was in a black S.U.V., heading from Washington to the Gaylord National Resort and Convention Center in Oxon Hill, Md., where he was to give the opening candidate speech of the Conservative Political Action Conference. The event, which functions as an early tryout for Republican presidential contenders, tends to skew rightward in its audience, drawing many of the same sorts of people who shouted at Boehner in Tampa. As such, it tends to favor anti-establishment candidates, but the news leading up to this year’s event was that Jeb Bush hoped to make inroads there.

It was still dark when we set out, and I joked with Carson about the hour, telling him he’d better get used to it. He retorted that his career in pediatric brain surgery made him no stranger to early mornings. This is a big theme of Carson’s presidential pitch: that neither the rigors of the campaign nor those of the White House can faze a man who held children’s lives in his hands. His life in brain surgery has prepared him for the presidency, he maintains, better than lives in politics have for his rivals. At the very least, he says, it conditioned him against getting too worked up about any problem that isn’t life threatening. “I mean, it’s grueling, but interestingly enough, I don’t feel the pressure,” he said.

At the convention hall, we were quickly surrounded by admirers. Two women were already waiting to meet him — white, middle-aged volunteers for Carson’s super PAC, who had traveled from South Carolina. One of them, Chris Horne, was holding a dog-eared and taped Bible. A founding member of the Charleston Tea Party who went on to work for Gingrich’s successful South Carolina primary campaign in 2012, Horne lamented over the attacks that Carson was sure to face. “You served us, you served the Lord, just don’t let them steal that from you,” she said. Her friend told him, “You’ve got God behind you!” Such religious evocations trailed Carson constantly while I walked the CPAC floor with him. Evangelicals are impressed not only with his devotion to their politics but also with his career path; as one of them told me, what’s more pro-life than saving babies?

During our ride to the conference, Carson told me his speech was not looking to “feed the beast.” When his appointed time came, he kept his remarks as tame as promised. “Real compassion” meant “using our intellect” to help people “climb out of dependency and realize the American dream,” he said. The national debt is going to “destroy us,” Obamacare was about “redistribution and control,” but Republicans better come forward with their own alternative before they repeal it, he said.

Because his speech was first, and it started several minutes early, the auditorium was slow to fill. Still, the first day saw a crush of people seeking autographs and pictures as he roamed the hall. The Draft Carson committee’s 150 volunteers swarmed the auditorium, collecting emails and handing out “Run Ben Run” stickers. After a quick interview with Sean Hannity, the conservative-radio and Fox News host — his second in two days — Carson was off to Tampa.

In the hours that followed his talk, the hall offered a view in miniature of what the next 12 to 14 months might hold for the party. Chris Christie, sitting across from the tough-minded talk-radio host Laura Ingraham, boasted about his multiple vetoes of Planned Parenthood funding, his refusal to raise income taxes and his belief that “sometimes people need to be told to sit down and shut up.” Cruz, an audience favorite, warning his fellow Republicans against falling for a “squishy moderate,” declared, “Take all 125,000 I.R.S. agents and put ’em on our Southern border!” Gov. Scott Walker of Wisconsin, surging in polls, boasted that if he could face down the 100,000 union supporters who protested his legislation limiting collective bargaining for public employees, he could certainly handle ISIS. The next day, the traditional CPAC favorite Rand Paul spoke, packing the hall with his supporters who chanted “President Paul.” He warned, counter to the overall hawkish tenor of the event, that “we should not succumb to the notion that a government inept at home will somehow become successful abroad.” But he also vowed to end foreign aid to countries whose citizens are seen burning American flags. “Not one penny more to these haters of America.”

Perhaps the defining moment came near the end of the conference, when Jeb Bush spoke. In a neat trick of political gamesmanship — and a show of establishment muscle — his team had bused in an ample cheering section for the dozens of cameras on hand for his appearance. But a small contingent of Tea Party activists and Rand Paul supporters staged a walk out. When Bush began a question-and-answer session, they turned and left the auditorium to chant “U.S.A., U.S.A.” in the hallway, led by a man in colonial garb waving a huge “Don’t Tread on Me” banner. Plenty of other detractors stayed in the hall and peppered Bush’s remarks with booing as he stood by positions unpopular with the conservative grass roots: support for the Common Core standards and an immigration overhaul that provides a “path to legal status” for undocumented immigrants. Bush took it all in good humor, but finally seemed to give up.

“For those who made an ‘oo’ sound — is that what it was? — I’m marking you down as neutral,” he said. “And I want to be your second choice.”

Bush strategists told me they would not repeat Romney’s mistakes. Of course they would love to glide to an early nomination, they said, but they are prepared for a long contest and won’t be wasting any energy bending under pressure from a Paul or a Cruz or a Carson.

No one doubts that the pressure will increase, though. Despite the best wishes of the party’s leaders, GOP primary voters have given little indication that they will narrow the field quickly.

Before I left, I spotted Newt Gingrich, himself a fleeting presidential front-runner during those strange primary days of 2012. I asked him whether he thought all the party maneuvering — all the attempts to change the rules and fast-track the process — would preclude someone from presenting the sort of outside primary challenge he had carried out in the last election.

“No,” he told me, as if it was the most obvious thing in the world. “Look at where Ben Carson is right now.”

Jim Rutenberg is the chief political correspondent for the magazine. His most recent feature was about Megyn Kelly.

The Uphill Battle to Better Regulate Formaldehyde

WASHINGTON — A decade after emergency trailers meant to shelter Hurricane Katrina victims instead caused burning eyes, sore throats and other more serious ailments, the Environmental Protection Agency is on the verge of regulating the culprit: formaldehyde, a chemical that can be found in commonplace things like clothes and furniture.

But an unusual assortment of players, including furniture makers, the Chinese government, Republicans from states with a large base of furniture manufacturing and even some Democrats who championed early regulatory efforts, have questioned the E.P.A. proposal. The sustained opposition has held sway, as the agency is now preparing to ease key testing requirements before it releases the landmark federal health standard.

The E.P.A.’s five-year effort to adopt this rule offers another example of how industry opposition can delay and hamper attempts by the federal government to issue regulations, even to control substances known to be harmful to human health.

Continue reading the main story
 

Document: The Formaldehyde Fight

Formaldehyde is a known carcinogen that can also cause respiratory ailments like asthma, but the potential of long-term exposure to cause cancers like myeloid leukemia is less well understood.

The E.P.A.’s decision would be the first time that the federal government has regulated formaldehyde inside most American homes.

“The stakes are high for public health,” said Tom Neltner, senior adviser for regulatory affairs at the National Center for Healthy Housing, who has closely monitored the debate over the rules. “What we can’t have here is an outcome that fails to confront the health threat we all know exists.”

The proposal would not ban formaldehyde — commonly used as an ingredient in wood glue in furniture and flooring — but it would impose rules that prevent dangerous levels of the chemical’s vapors from those products, and would set testing standards to ensure that products sold in the United States comply with those limits. The debate has sharpened in the face of growing concern about the safety of formaldehyde-treated flooring imported from Asia, especially China.

What is certain is that a lot of money is at stake: American companies sell billions of dollars’ worth of wood products each year that contain formaldehyde, and some argue that the proposed regulation would impose unfair costs and restrictions.

Determined to block the agency’s rule as proposed, these industry players have turned to the White House, members of Congress and top E.P.A. officials, pressing them to roll back the testing requirements in particular, calling them redundant and too expensive.

“There are potentially over a million manufacturing jobs that will be impacted if the proposed rule is finalized without changes,” wrote Bill Perdue, the chief lobbyist at the American Home Furnishings Alliance, a leading critic of the testing requirements in the proposed regulation, in one letter to the E.P.A.

Industry opposition helped create an odd alignment of forces working to thwart the rule. The White House moved to strike out key aspects of the proposal. Subsequent appeals for more changes were voiced by players as varied as Senator Barbara Boxer, Democrat of California, and Senator Roger Wicker, Republican of Mississippi, as well as furniture industry lobbyists.

Hurricane Katrina in 2005 helped ignite the public debate over formaldehyde, after the deadly storm destroyed or damaged hundreds of thousands of homes along the Gulf of Mexico, forcing families into temporary trailers provided by the Federal Emergency Management Agency.

The displaced storm victims quickly began reporting respiratory problems, burning eyes and other issues, and tests then confirmed high levels of formaldehyde fumes leaking into the air inside the trailers, which in many cases had been hastily constructed.

Public health advocates petitioned the E.P.A. to issue limits on formaldehyde in building materials and furniture used in homes, given that limits already existed for exposure in workplaces. But three years after the storm, only California had issued such limits.

Industry groups like the American Chemistry Council have repeatedly challenged the science linking formaldehyde to cancer, a position championed by David Vitter, the Republican senator from Louisiana, who is a major recipient of chemical industry campaign contributions, and whom environmental groups have mockingly nicknamed “Senator Formaldehyde.”

Continue reading the main story

Formaldehyde in Laminate Flooring

In laminate flooring, formaldehyde is used as a bonding agent in the fiberboard (or other composite wood) core layer and may also be used in glues that bind layers together. Concerns were raised in March when certain laminate flooring imported from China was reported to contain levels of formaldehyde far exceeding the limit permitted by California.

Typical

laminate

flooring

CLEAR FINISH LAYER

Often made of melamine resin

PATTERN LAYER

Paper printed to resemble wood,

or a thin wood veneer

GLUE

Layers may be bound using

formaldehyde-based glues

CORE LAYER

Fiberboard or other

composite, formed using

formaldehyde-based adhesives

BASE LAYER

Moisture-resistant vapor barrier

What is formaldehyde?

Formaldehyde is a common chemical used in many industrial and household products as an adhesive, bonding agent or preservative. It is classified as a volatile organic compound. The term volatile means that, at room temperature, formaldehyde will vaporize, or become a gas. Products made with formaldehyde tend to release this gas into the air. If breathed in large quantities, it may cause health problems.

WHERE IT IS COMMONLY FOUND

POTENTIAL HEALTH RISKS

Pressed-wood and composite wood products

Wallpaper and paints

Spray foam insulation used in construction

Commercial wood floor finishes

Crease-resistant fabrics

In cigarette smoke, or in the fumes from combustion of other materials, including wood, oil and gasoline.

Exposure to formaldehyde in sufficient amounts may cause eye, throat or skin irritation, allergic reactions, and respiratory problems like coughing, wheezing or asthma.

Long-term exposure to high levels has been associated with cancer in humans and laboratory animals.

Exposure to formaldehyde may affect some people more severely than others.

By 2010, public health advocates and some industry groups secured bipartisan support in Congress for legislation that ordered the E.P.A. to issue federal rules that largely mirrored California’s restrictions. At the time, concerns were rising over the growing number of lower-priced furniture imports from Asia that might include contaminated products, while also hurting sales of American-made products.

Maneuvering began almost immediately after the E.P.A. prepared draft rules to formally enact the new standards.

White House records show at least five meetings in mid-2012 with industry executives — kitchen cabinet makers, chemical manufacturers, furniture trade associations and their lobbyists, like Brock R. Landry, of the Venable law firm. These parties, along with Senator Vitter’s office, appealed to top administration officials, asking them to intervene to roll back the E.P.A. proposal.

The White House Office of Management and Budget, which reviews major federal regulations before they are adopted, apparently agreed. After the White House review, the E.P.A. “redlined” many of the estimates of the monetary benefits that would be gained by reductions in related health ailments, like asthma and fertility issues, documents reviewed by The New York Times show.

As a result, the estimated benefit of the proposed rule dropped to $48 million a year, from as much as $278 million a year. The much-reduced amount deeply weakened the agency’s justification for the sometimes costly new testing that would be required under the new rules, a federal official involved in the effort said.

“It’s a redlining blood bath,” said Lisa Heinzerling, a Georgetown University Law School professor and a former E.P.A. official, using the Washington phrase to describe when language is stricken from a proposed rule. “Almost the entire discussion of these potential benefits was excised.”

Senator Vitter’s staff was pleased.

“That’s a huge difference,” said Luke Bolar, a spokesman for Mr. Vitter, of the reduced estimated financial benefits, saying the change was “clearly highlighting more mismanagement” at the E.P.A.

Advertisement

The review’s outcome galvanized opponents in the furniture industry. They then targeted a provision that mandated new testing of laminated wood, a cheaper alternative to hardwood. (The California standard on which the law was based did not require such testing.)

But E.P.A. scientists had concluded that these laminate products — millions of which are sold annually in the United States — posed a particular risk. They said that when thin layers of wood, also known as laminate or veneer, are added to furniture or flooring in the final stages of manufacturing, the resulting product can generate dangerous levels of fumes from often-used formaldehyde-based glues.

Industry executives, outraged by what they considered an unnecessary and financially burdensome level of testing, turned every lever within reach to get the requirement removed. It would be particularly onerous, they argued, for small manufacturers that would have to repeatedly interrupt their work to do expensive new testing. The E.P.A. estimated that the expanded requirements for laminate products would cost the furniture industry tens of millions of dollars annually, while the industry said that the proposed rule over all would cost its 7,000 American manufacturing facilities over $200 million each year.

“A lot of people don’t seem to appreciate what a lot of these requirements do to a small operation,” said Dick Titus, executive vice president of the Kitchen Cabinet Manufacturers Association, whose members are predominantly small businesses. “A 10-person shop, for example, just really isn’t equipped to handle that type of thing.”

Photo
 
Becky Gillette wants strong regulation of formaldehyde. Credit Beth Hall for The New York Times

Big industry players also weighed in. Executives from companies including La-Z-Boy, Hooker Furniture and Ashley Furniture all flew to Washington for a series of meetings with the offices of lawmakers including House Speaker John Boehner, Republican of Ohio, and about a dozen other lawmakers, asking several of them to sign a letter prepared by the industry to press the E.P.A. to back down, according to an industry report describing the lobbying visit.

Within a matter of weeks, two letters — using nearly identical language — were sent by House and Senate lawmakers to the E.P.A. — with the industry group forwarding copies of the letters to the agency as well, and then posting them on its website.

The industry lobbyists also held their own meeting at E.P.A. headquarters, and they urged Jim Jones, who oversaw the rule-making process as the assistant administrator for the agency’s Office of Chemical Safety and Pollution Prevention, to visit a North Carolina furniture manufacturing plant. According to the trade group, Mr. Jones told them that the visit had “helped the agency shift its thinking” about the rules and how laminated products should be treated.

The resistance was particularly intense from lawmakers like Mr. Wicker of Mississippi, whose state is home to major manufacturing plants owned by Ashley Furniture Industries, the world’s largest furniture maker, and who is one of the biggest recipients in Congress of donations from the industry’s trade association. Asked if the political support played a role, a spokesman for Mr. Wicker replied: “Thousands of Mississippians depend on the furniture manufacturing industry for their livelihoods. Senator Wicker is committed to defending all Mississippians from government overreach.”

Individual companies like Ikea also intervened, as did the Chinese government, which claimed that the new rule would create a “great barrier” to the import of Chinese products because of higher costs.

Perhaps the most surprising objection came from Senator Boxer, of California, a longtime environmental advocate, whose office questioned why the E.P.A.’s rule went further than her home state’s in seeking testing on laminated products. “We did not advocate an outcome, other than safety,” her office said in a statement about why the senator raised concerns. “We said ‘Take a look to see if you have it right.’ ”

Safety advocates say that tighter restrictions — like the ones Ms. Boxer and Mr. Wicker, along with Representative Doris Matsui, a California Democrat, have questioned — are necessary, particularly for products coming from China, where items as varied as toys and Christmas lights have been found to violate American safety standards.

While Mr. Neltner, the environmental advocate who has been most involved in the review process, has been open to compromise, he has pressed the E.P.A. not to back down entirely, and to maintain a requirement that laminators verify that their products are safe.

An episode of CBS’s “60 Minutes” in March brought attention to the issue when it accused Lumber Liquidators, the discount flooring retailer, of selling laminate products with dangerous levels of formaldehyde. The company has disputed the show’s findings and test methods, maintaining that its products are safe.

“People think that just because Congress passed the legislation five years ago, the problem has been fixed,” said Becky Gillette, who then lived in coastal Mississippi, in the area hit by Hurricane Katrina, and was among the first to notice a pattern of complaints from people living in the trailers. “Real people’s faces and names come up in front of me when I think of the thousands of people who could get sick if this rule is not done right.”

An aide to Ms. Matsui rejected any suggestion that she was bending to industry pressure.

“From the beginning the public health has been our No. 1 concern,” said Kyle J. Victor, an aide to Ms. Matsui.

But further changes to the rule are likely, agency officials concede, as they say they are searching for a way to reduce the cost of complying with any final rule while maintaining public health goals. The question is just how radically the agency will revamp the testing requirement for laminated products — if it keeps it at all.

“It’s not a secret to anybody that is the most challenging issue,” said Mr. Jones, the E.P.A. official overseeing the process, adding that the health consequences from formaldehyde are real. “We have to reduce those exposures so that people can live healthy lives and not have to worry about being in their homes.”

Untuk Info Lebih Detail, Silahkan Hubungi :
Nama : Eka Hidayatullah
Telp : 081297559545
SMS/WA : 081297559545
Pin BB : D3785743
Email : ekahidayatulloh@gmail.com
Website : http://tokooshimura.sangmio.com/produk/26/Obat-Diabetes-Javabet-NASA-Cepat-Sembuh
Share this Advertise on :
Produk Iklan Terkait Lainnya :
Jual Obat Diabetes Javabet NASA Cepat Sembuh
Jual Obat Diabetes Javabet NASA Paling Ampuh
Jual Obat Diabetes Javabet NASA Mujarab
Service AC Mobil Murah

Pusat Informasi Lowongan Kerja Terbaru 2017

Copyright © 2014 All right reserved | Created by SangMio | Supported by Pasang Iklan Baris Massal