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Umroh Murah Bekasi di Muara Enim

Kami Travel Haji Umroh Alhijaz Indowisata Izin Umroh Resmi KeMeNag D/591/2014 dan Izin Resmi Haji PHU/HK.3245/IV/2012  menyediakan Umroh Murah BekasiUmroh Murah Bekasi adalah Info tentang Daftar Paket Haji Umroh 2017, Biaya Paket Haji Umroh 2017, Promo Paket Haji Umroh 2017, Harga Paket Haji Umroh 2017, Info Paket Haji Umroh 2017 di Travel Haji Umroh Alhijaz Indowisata yang mempunyai harga Hemat, Promo, dan Murah. Umroh Murah Bekasi selain harga yang hemat, Promo dan Murah, Tentunya kami memberikan dari segi fasilitas Maskapai Saudia Airline yang langsung jakarta Jeddah tanpa transit, juga fsilitas hotel berbintang sesuai paket yang letaknya tidak jauh, dan pelayanan selama umroh, sehingga fasilitas selama umroh yang kami berikan  dapat menambah kekhusuan anda dalam beribadah Umroh

Umroh Murah Bekasi Travel Haji dan Umrah  Alhijaz Indowisata memberikan informasi berbasis online tentang Biaya Paket Haji Umroh 2017,  Harga Paket Haji Umroh 2017, Promo Paket Umroh 2017, Daftar Paket Haji Umroh 2017, Travel Paket Haji Umroh 2017, Info Paket Haji Umroh 2017 , Situs Resmi Biaya Haji Umroh 2017 , Situs Resmi Info Haji Umroh 2017, Situs Resmi Daftar Haji Umroh 2017, Situs Resmi Promo Umroh 2017  dari Travel Haji dan Umrah  Alhijaz Indowisata.

Ada beberapa variabel dalam mencari Umroh Murah Bekasi yaitu:

 

1. Maskapai

Umroh Murah Bekasi menggunakan Maskapai Saudia Airlines yang langsung jakarta Jeddah tanpa transit.

Umroh Murah Bekasi

Umroh Murah Bekasi Travel Haji Umroh Alhijaz Indowisata Paket Hemat. Promo, Ekonomis dan terjangkau untuk perjalanan umroh 9 hari dengan maskapai Saudia Airlines

Dengan tetap mengkedepankan aspek kepastian tanggal keberangkatan, kenyamanan dan kekhususan jamaah selama beribadah, Info Umroh Murah Bekasi Travel Haji Umroh Alhijaz Indowisata ini memberikan informasi tentang rencana keberangkatkan di Tahun 2017 di bulan Januari 2016, Februari 2017, Maret 2017, April 2017, Mei 2017, selama 9 hari.

3. Paket Umroh

Umroh Murah Bekasi Travel Haji Umroh Alhijaz Indowisata meliputi

  1. PAKET UMROH REGULER

Paket Umroh Reguler  adalah Paket Umroh dengan harga lebih hemat dan terjangkau dengan Perjalanan menggunakan Maskapai Saudia Airlines dan Hotel Fasilitas Bintang *4/ Setaraf.

  • Hotel Madinah : Muhtara International/ setaraf *4

Umroh Murah Bekasi

       Hotel Madinah :  Muhtara International Hotel Bintang *4 / Setaraf

  • Hotel Mekkah : Mobark Plaza / setaraf *4

Umroh Murah Bekasi

              Hotel Mekkah Mubark Plaza Bintang *4 / Setaraf

 

2. PAKET UMROH STANDART

 Paket Umroh Standart adalah Paket dengan Perjalanan menggunakan Maskapai    Saudia Airlines, Hotel Di Madinah dengan Fasilitas Hotel Bintang *4 / Setaraf Dan Hotel Mekkah Fasilitas Hotel Bintang *5 /setaraf

  • Hotel Madinah : Muhtara International / setaraf Hotel Bintang *4

Umroh Murah Bekasi     Hotel Madinah :  Muhtara International Hotel Bintang *4 / Setaraf

  • Hotel Mekkah : Pulman Zamzam/ setaraf Hotel Bintang*5

Umroh Murah Bekasi

       Hotel Mekkah : Zam Zam Tower Hotel Bintang *5 / Setaraf

 

Biaya perlengkapan dan airport tax handling P. Jawa,Lampung : Rp 1.000.000

Biaya Pengiriman luar P. Jawa , Lampung, di tanggung jamaah

BIAYA UMROH SUDAH TERMASUK :

  • Tiket Pesawat Saudia/ Garuda PP (CGK-JED-CKG)
  • Visa Umroh
  • AKomodasi Hotel di Tanah Suci
  • Makan 3x SEhari
  • Pembimbing Ibadah / Muthawif
  • Manasik Umroh 1x Di Kantor AlHijaz
  • Ziarah Mekkah , Madinah & City Tour Jeddah
  • Air Zam-Zam 1 Galon (5 Liter)

BIAYA UMROH BELUM TERMASUK :

  • Pembuatan Passport
  • Tiket Pesawat dari daerah ke Jakarta
  • Suntik Meningitis
  • Biaya Airport Tax Handling & Perlengkapan Ibadah Rp. 1000.000,-

KONSULTASI UMROH

PT. Al-Hijaz IndoWisata Tour & Travel

Graha Alhijaz Jl. Dewi Sartika Cawang Jakarta Timur 13630

Contact Person

Nurti P. Purbasari

082124065740

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How Some Men Fake an 80-Hour Workweek, and Why It Matters

Imagine an elite professional services firm with a high-performing, workaholic culture. Everyone is expected to turn on a dime to serve a client, travel at a moment’s notice, and be available pretty much every evening and weekend. It can make for a grueling work life, but at the highest levels of accounting, law, investment banking and consulting firms, it is just the way things are.

Except for one dirty little secret: Some of the people ostensibly turning in those 80- or 90-hour workweeks, particularly men, may just be faking it.

Many of them were, at least, at one elite consulting firm studied by Erin Reid, a professor at Boston University’s Questrom School of Business. It’s impossible to know if what she learned at that unidentified consulting firm applies across the world of work more broadly. But her research, published in the academic journal Organization Science, offers a way to understand how the professional world differs between men and women, and some of the ways a hard-charging culture that emphasizes long hours above all can make some companies worse off.

Photo
 
Credit Peter Arkle

Ms. Reid interviewed more than 100 people in the American offices of a global consulting firm and had access to performance reviews and internal human resources documents. At the firm there was a strong culture around long hours and responding to clients promptly.

“When the client needs me to be somewhere, I just have to be there,” said one of the consultants Ms. Reid interviewed. “And if you can’t be there, it’s probably because you’ve got another client meeting at the same time. You know it’s tough to say I can’t be there because my son had a Cub Scout meeting.”

Some people fully embraced this culture and put in the long hours, and they tended to be top performers. Others openly pushed back against it, insisting upon lighter and more flexible work hours, or less travel; they were punished in their performance reviews.

The third group is most interesting. Some 31 percent of the men and 11 percent of the women whose records Ms. Reid examined managed to achieve the benefits of a more moderate work schedule without explicitly asking for it.

They made an effort to line up clients who were local, reducing the need for travel. When they skipped work to spend time with their children or spouse, they didn’t call attention to it. One team on which several members had small children agreed among themselves to cover for one another so that everyone could have more flexible hours.

A male junior manager described working to have repeat consulting engagements with a company near enough to his home that he could take care of it with day trips. “I try to head out by 5, get home at 5:30, have dinner, play with my daughter,” he said, adding that he generally kept weekend work down to two hours of catching up on email.

Despite the limited hours, he said: “I know what clients are expecting. So I deliver above that.” He received a high performance review and a promotion.

What is fascinating about the firm Ms. Reid studied is that these people, who in her terminology were “passing” as workaholics, received performance reviews that were as strong as their hyper-ambitious colleagues. For people who were good at faking it, there was no real damage done by their lighter workloads.

It calls to mind the episode of “Seinfeld” in which George Costanza leaves his car in the parking lot at Yankee Stadium, where he works, and gets a promotion because his boss sees the car and thinks he is getting to work earlier and staying later than anyone else. (The strategy goes awry for him, and is not recommended for any aspiring partners in a consulting firm.)

A second finding is that women, particularly those with young children, were much more likely to request greater flexibility through more formal means, such as returning from maternity leave with an explicitly reduced schedule. Men who requested a paternity leave seemed to be punished come review time, and so may have felt more need to take time to spend with their families through those unofficial methods.

The result of this is easy to see: Those specifically requesting a lighter workload, who were disproportionately women, suffered in their performance reviews; those who took a lighter workload more discreetly didn’t suffer. The maxim of “ask forgiveness, not permission” seemed to apply.

It would be dangerous to extrapolate too much from a study at one firm, but Ms. Reid said in an interview that since publishing a summary of her research in Harvard Business Review she has heard from people in a variety of industries describing the same dynamic.

High-octane professional service firms are that way for a reason, and no one would doubt that insane hours and lots of travel can be necessary if you’re a lawyer on the verge of a big trial, an accountant right before tax day or an investment banker advising on a huge merger.

But the fact that the consultants who quietly lightened their workload did just as well in their performance reviews as those who were truly working 80 or more hours a week suggests that in normal times, heavy workloads may be more about signaling devotion to a firm than really being more productive. The person working 80 hours isn’t necessarily serving clients any better than the person working 50.

In other words, maybe the real problem isn’t men faking greater devotion to their jobs. Maybe it’s that too many companies reward the wrong things, favoring the illusion of extraordinary effort over actual productivity.

With Iran Talks, a Tangled Path to Ending Syria’s War

UNITED NATIONS — Wearing pinstripes and a pince-nez, Staffan de Mistura, the United Nations envoy for Syria, arrived at the Security Council one Tuesday afternoon in February and announced that President Bashar al-Assad had agreed to halt airstrikes over Aleppo. Would the rebels, Mr. de Mistura suggested, agree to halt their shelling?

What he did not announce, but everyone knew by then, was that the Assad government had begun a military offensive to encircle opposition-held enclaves in Aleppo and that fierce fighting was underway. It would take only a few days for rebel leaders, having pushed back Syrian government forces, to outright reject Mr. de Mistura’s proposed freeze in the fighting, dooming the latest diplomatic overture on Syria.

Diplomacy is often about appearing to be doing something until the time is ripe for a deal to be done.

 

 

Now, with Mr. Assad’s forces having suffered a string of losses on the battlefield and the United States reaching at least a partial rapprochement with Mr. Assad’s main backer, Iran, Mr. de Mistura is changing course. Starting Monday, he is set to hold a series of closed talks in Geneva with the warring sides and their main supporters. Iran will be among them.

In an interview at United Nations headquarters last week, Mr. de Mistura hinted that the changing circumstances, both military and diplomatic, may have prompted various backers of the war to question how much longer the bloodshed could go on.

“Will that have an impact in accelerating the willingness for a political solution? We need to test it,” he said. “The Geneva consultations may be a good umbrella for testing that. It’s an occasion for asking everyone, including the government, if there is any new way that they are looking at a political solution, as they too claim they want.”

He said he would have a better assessment at the end of June, when he expects to wrap up his consultations. That coincides with the deadline for a final agreement in the Iran nuclear talks.

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Whether a nuclear deal with Iran will pave the way for a new opening on peace talks in Syria remains to be seen. Increasingly, though, world leaders are explicitly linking the two, with the European Union’s top diplomat, Federica Mogherini, suggesting last week that a nuclear agreement could spur Tehran to play “a major but positive role in Syria.”

It could hardly come soon enough. Now in its fifth year, the Syrian war has claimed 220,000 lives, prompted an exodus of more than three million refugees and unleashed jihadist groups across the region. “This conflict is producing a question mark in many — where is it leading and whether this can be sustained,” Mr. de Mistura said.

Part Italian, part Swedish, Mr. de Mistura has worked with the United Nations for more than 40 years, but he is more widely known for his dapper style than for any diplomatic coups. Syria is by far the toughest assignment of his career — indeed, two of the organization’s most seasoned diplomats, Lakhdar Brahimi and Kofi Annan, tried to do the job and gave up — and critics have wondered aloud whether Mr. de Mistura is up to the task.

He served as a United Nations envoy in Afghanistan and Iraq, and before that in Lebanon, where a former minister recalled, with some scorn, that he spent many hours sunbathing at a private club in the hills above Beirut. Those who know him say he has a taste for fine suits and can sometimes speak too soon and too much, just as they point to his diplomatic missteps and hyperbole.

They cite, for instance, a news conference in October, when he raised the specter of Srebrenica, where thousands of Muslims were massacred in 1995 during the Balkans war, in warning that the Syrian border town of Kobani could fall to the Islamic State. In February, he was photographed at a party in Damascus, the Syrian capital, celebrating the anniversary of the Iranian revolution just as Syrian forces, aided by Iran, were pummeling rebel-held suburbs of Damascus; critics seized on that as evidence of his coziness with the government.

Mouin Rabbani, who served briefly as the head of Mr. de Mistura’s political affairs unit and has since emerged as one of his most outspoken critics, said Mr. de Mistura did not have the background necessary for the job. “This isn’t someone well known for his political vision or political imagination, and his closest confidants lack the requisite knowledge and experience,” Mr. Rabbani said.

As a deputy foreign minister in the Italian government, Mr. de Mistura was tasked in 2012 with freeing two Italian marines detained in India for shooting at Indian fishermen. He made 19 trips to India, to little effect. One marine was allowed to return to Italy for medical reasons; the other remains in India.

He said he initially turned down the Syria job when the United Nations secretary general approached him last August, only to change his mind the next day, after a sleepless, guilt-ridden night.

Mr. de Mistura compared his role in Syria to that of a doctor faced with a terminally ill patient. His goal in brokering a freeze in the fighting, he said, was to alleviate suffering. He settled on Aleppo as the location for its “fame,” he said, a decision that some questioned, considering that Aleppo was far trickier than the many other lesser-known towns where activists had negotiated temporary local cease-fires.

“Everybody, at least in Europe, are very familiar with the value of Aleppo,” Mr. de Mistura said. “So I was using that as an icebreaker.”

The cease-fire negotiations, to which he had devoted six months, fell apart quickly because of the government’s military offensive in Aleppo the very day of his announcement at the Security Council. Privately, United Nations diplomats said Mr. de Mistura had been manipulated. To this, Mr. de Mistura said only that he was “disappointed and concerned.”

Tarek Fares, a former rebel fighter, said after a recent visit to Aleppo that no Syrian would admit publicly to supporting Mr. de Mistura’s cease-fire proposal. “If anyone said they went to a de Mistura meeting in Gaziantep, they would be arrested,” is how he put it, referring to the Turkish city where negotiations between the two sides were held.

Secretary General Ban Ki-moon remains staunchly behind Mr. de Mistura’s efforts. His defenders point out that he is at the center of one of the world’s toughest diplomatic problems, charged with mediating a conflict in which two of the world’s most powerful nations — Russia, which supports Mr. Assad, and the United States, which has called for his ouster — remain deadlocked.

R. Nicholas Burns, a former State Department official who now teaches at Harvard, credited Mr. de Mistura for trying to negotiate a cease-fire even when the chances of success were exceedingly small — and the chances of a political deal even smaller. For his efforts to work, Professor Burns argued, the world powers will first have to come to an agreement of their own.

“He needs the help of outside powers,” he said. “It starts with backers of Assad. That’s Russia and Iran. De Mistura is there, waiting.”

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